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South of the baths at Ragatz and the Swiss village of Maienfeld, south of the snow-crowned peaks, Falkniß and Scesaplana, where the setting sun lights up the snowfields of the Glarner and the Rhaetian Alps, lies the deep valley of the Domleschg. It lies in the part of Switzerland that is neither German nor French, but Romansh. Romansh is the language of the Grisons (great grey mountains) of Switzerland. It is a Latin dialect, similar to Spanish or Romanian. It came to the Grisons with immigrants from Roman Italy who settled there, a thousand years before Georg Cajacob was born in the Domleschg in the village of Bonaduz. Speaking Romansh, Georg found Latin easier to learn than German. But by 1513, when he was twenty-one years old, he finished his studies at the university of Leipzig in Germany and became a priest.1 He returned to the Grisons, and served for two years at Trins, across the river from Bonaduz where the Domleschg meets the canyon of the upper Rhine. Georg said the missa fidelium. He baptized babies. He listened to confessions and absolved people from their sins. But he well knew that both he and the people whom he served lived in sin, and he did not feel forgiven. He was a tall, lively young man with a dark complexion. The people called him strong Georg. But he was weak. He lived under the power of sin and had no strength to overcome it. After two years his conscience compelled him to leave the priesthood and he got married. Getting married did not free Georg from sin. He still felt weak in temptation and longed to know Christ, so he traveled north with his young wife to look for help in the Protestant city of Zürich. The Protestants disappointed Georg. They did not follow Christ. But the Spirit of God moved his heart when he met Felix Manz, Conrad Grebel, and other seekers at Felix Manz's house on the winter evening of January 21, 1525. Georg asked Conrad to baptize him. Then Georg baptized the others, and they remembered Christ by breaking bread and drinking wine together. Not long after this, the Protestant authorities caught Georg Cajacob, (by now nicknamed Blaurock2) and imprisoned him in the Hexenturm (witches' tower) prison at Zürich. He escaped several times, but they caught him again and called him to answer before Huldrych Zwingli at the city court. Zwingli called Georg a "great, foolish dreamer," too ignorant to read German correctly. He accused Georg and his companions of "mocking the church," of trying to "build a church within the church," and of overthrowing "divine and human authority." Especially offensive to Zwingli and the Protestant court was the way Georg baptized people and held communion services in ordinary houses, in secret, and without permission. To this, Georg replied:
A Nighttime Meal On Feb. 5, 1525, Hans Ockenfuoss testified before the Protestant court at Zürich: "Two weeks ago I was in Zollikon in Jakob Hottinger's house. Conrad Grebel and some other men were there. They spoke of baptism and the nighttime meal. After that, Conrad took a loaf of bread and divided it among us. He ate from it too and said that from now on we want to lead a Christian life." Leonhard Schiemer wrote from the prison at Rattenberg on the Inn:
Hans Betz wrote from the dungeon of the castle at Passau in Bavaria:
Huddled Around Christ When I began to read what the Anabaptists wrote, two expressions stood out to me. One was the mention of Christ as our Hauptmann (captain or "head man"). The other was the term kleiner Hauf used for the followers of Christ. Kleiner Hauf literally means a little heap or a huddle. At first I had a hard time picturing the followers of Christ like this. But when I began to see the place of Christ in the Anabaptist movement, it became clear to me. Christ is the captain, and his followers huddle around him. "Look to the captain. . . . Leap to your captain's side," wrote an Ausbund writer.6 Those who follow Christ do this continually to get their directions from him. Practiced Often and Used Much The first Christians huddled around Christ by breaking bread and drinking wine in remembrance of him whenever they got together. The Anabaptists, out of love and necessity, did the same. Christ was the focus of their commune. From Christ in the centre, radiated the love, the evangelization, the discipline, the direction, and the communion of those who broke bread and drank wine in their meetings to remember him. The bread and the wine helped the Anabaptists to remember Christ's body and his blood. But they broke bread and gave thanks for yet another reason: to follow the example of Christ. Christ broke bread and drank wine in community with his disciples. "On the night he was betrayed, he took bread, and when he had given thanks he broke it and said: This is my body which is broken for you; do this in remembrance of me. In the same way, he took the cup, saying: This cup is the new covenant in my blood; do this, whenever you drink it, in remembrance of me. For whenever you eat this bread and drink this cup, you proclaim the Lord's death till he comes" (1 Cor. 11:24-26). After his resurrection Christ broke bread and gave thanks on the first day of the week. The apostles and the first Christians did the same every week. First practised by Christ himself, the breaking of bread and the drinking of wine became the outer witness of the Christians' inner community. In the light of this, the Anabaptists wrote in their first statement of brotherly union7:
The first Anabaptists could not have pictured a formal worship service without the breaking of bread. Christian worship without the eucharist (the Greek word for thanksgiving, used by Paul in 1 Corinthians 10:16) was, before the sixteenth century, unknown. Michael Sattler wrote:
When several Anabaptists were asked before the Dutch court in 1534 what they did in their meetings they replied: "In our meetings we read and discuss the Gospel, after which one of us breaks the bread and distributes it to all, knowing that the bread is not able to save us, but it is only taken in memory of the suffering of our Lord."10 Both in the south (Switzerland, southern Germany, and Austria) and in the north (the lower Rhine valley and the Netherlands) the Anabaptists met for the nighttime meal at least once a week. "Small fellowships of Anabaptists sprang up like mushrooms everywhere," reads one report. "They moved from house to house for meetings in order to remain inconspicuous, where they read and studied the holy writings and commemorated the nighttime meal."11 Conrad Grebel stated in one of his letters, "The nighttime meal shall be practiced often and used much.12" A Wedding Feast In southern Germany the Anabaptists spoke of baptism as the sign of a believer's engagement (Verlobung) to Christ, and of the nighttime meal as the marriage feast in which the bread and the wine were the rings. In the Netherlands, Menno Simons wrote:
A Mystery The Anabaptists spoke of the nighttime meal as a Geheimnis (secret or mystery) and as the second sacrament. Gabriel Ascherham wrote:
Menno Simons wrote:
But the Anabaptists did not believe that the bread and the wine held a magical saving power. They did not break the bread to free themselves from sin, but as an act of thanksgiving -- like the first Christians who called the ceremony a eucharist. (The Greek word eucharist means "to give thanks." Paul used it in 1 Cor. 11:24.) Dirk Philips wrote:
A Parable The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles (Didache) written in the first century after Christ said:
This parable, known to the Anabaptists, appears many times in their songs and writings. An Ausbund writer wrote:
Menno Simons wrote:
Dirk Philips wrote:
Peter Rideman wrote:
Menno Simons mentioned Tertullian and the "feast of love" he described. Then he wrote:
A gathering of Anabaptists at Strasbourg in 1568 agreed upon the following statement of belief:
Before they beheaded him at Schwatz in Austria in 1528, Hans Schlaffer wrote:
The Nighttime Meal in Practice To picture the unity of Christ and his body, the Anabaptists used one loaf of ordinary wheat bread in their nighttime meals. Because of the danger involved and their desire to follow the pattern of the first Christians, this was almost always late at night. Menno Simons wrote:
Conrad Grebel also believed that "the nighttime meal should be celebrated in the evening, after the example of Christ and the apostles, but no fixed time needs to be set."25 Some Anabaptists broke the bread, according to a report from the Netherlands, while seated around a long table. In Switzerland, Conrad Grebel advised against using wafers or unleavened bread. At Schlatten am Randen, on February 24, 1527, a group of South German and Swiss Anabaptists wrote a statement of belief in which they named as one of the duties of a servant, the "lifting up of the bread when it is to be broken." Examine Yourselves "All who come to the nighttime meal should learn what it means to eat the bread and the wine. All should learn how they are to be used and who is to eat them," wrote Menno Simons. "We also instruct people to examine themselves as Paul teaches, lest they comfort themselves with a visible sign and fall short of its significance. Those who do not know Christ and those who ignore his commands eat and drink at the Lord's table to their own damnation.26" "Discipline, according to the rule of Christ in Matthew, chapter eighteen must come before the nighttime meal," wrote Conrad Grebel, "for love is destroyed if one has community with false brothers."27 The Schlatten statement of brotherly agreement says:
In his Confession of the Distressed Christians Menno Simons spoke of "the Lord's nighttime meal with its symbols and its mysteries." To this he added the following:
Inner and Outer Community The Anabaptists believed that the nighttime meal, like baptism, is an outer witness (Mitzeugnis) of inner community with Christ. They believed that inner community without the outer witness of bread and wine is incomplete. Jaques d'Auchy, killed at Leeuwarden in 1559, called those who spiritualized the meaning of the nighttime meal "heretics" and "destroyers of the breaking of bread." But the Anabaptists believed just as strongly that the outer witness without an inner sense of community was incomplete, useless, and actually harmful. "What does it help to eat of the holy meal if we do not enjoy the fruits it stands for, death to self, love and unity?" asked Menno Simons. "Outer communion profits nothing if we do not live in inner community with the Lord and his body."29 In another article Menno wrote:
An Ausbund writer wrote:
Without Superstition The Anabaptists valued the sacrament of the nighttime meal so highly that they partook of it at the cost of their lives. But they rejected the superstitions that had grown up around the missa fidelium during the Dark Ages. Amsterdam, centre of Anabaptist activity in the north, was only one of the many pilgrimage sites in the German countries of Europe. Thousands of pilgrims came to Amsterdam every year to visit its heilige Stede (holy place) erected on the site of a miracle they said took place in 1345. A sick man there had received the host (the consecrated wafer of the mass). He vomited it up. His wife tried to burn it, but the flames would not consume it. Catholic leaders declared this a miracle and set loose a flood of pilgrims that greatly increased the prosperity and fame of Amsterdam throughout the following centuries. Dutch and German priests told stories of the host miraculously saving Christians from the Muslims and curing the blind, the sick and the crippled. A lamb could be saved from a wolf by the host. One priest put the host on the tongue of a sick cow and cured her. Many were the stories of how the host had turned into a child or bled when it was broken. People believed that one did not grow older while eating the host. When the Anabaptists, in the middle of this, began to teach that the bread and wine stayed bread and wine, that Christ was to be found in spiritual community but not in the elements of the nighttime meal, they brought Europe down upon them in wrath. An influential priest of Amsterdam compared the Anabaptists to the plagues of Egypt and called the people to pray at the heilige Stede for a miracle to drive away these "devilish pigs and frogs." Posters and pamphlets were used in the crusade against the Anabaptists. One picture showed the woman picking the vomited host out of the flames with a ring of angels kneeling around her in worship of it. It came with a text lamenting the fact that people were "losing respect for apostolic tradition, the ceremonies of the church, and the pronouncements of its holy fathers." The Anabaptists replied calmly. Menno Simons wrote:
Conrad Grebel wrote:
Communion with Christ The sacrament of the bread and the wine becomes filled with meaning only when we "know Christ and the community of his suffering, becoming like him in his death." An unnamed Anabaptist wrote:
After they beat him and drove him out of Zürich on the day they drowned Felix Manz, Georg Cajacob traveled through the mountains of Switzerland and Austria, teaching, baptizing, and breaking bread in the name of Christ. He returned to the Grisons and spoke to his own people, calling them to get up and follow the real Christ to find forgiveness of their sins. Many believed and great numbers gathered in secret to hear him speak -- until the Austrian authorities caught him near Klausen (now the city of Chiusa in Italy), on August 14, 1529. There they tortured him at the Guffidaun castle, condemned him under a barrage of accusations, and burned him at the stake on September 6, 1529. Before his death, Georg wrote:
In holy communion with Christ, the Anabaptists followed him . . . 1 Several writers speak of Georg Cajacob (of the house of Jacob) as "an ex-monk from Chur." Huldrych Zwingli seems to have thought he was one, but there is no historical evidence that he ever spent time in a monastery. 2 Before he was well-known in Zürich, Georg attended a meeting and commented on what was said. One of those who attended the meeting asked who spoke, and someone answered: "The man in the blue coat." After that the people called him Blaurock ("blue coat"). 3 From a letter Georg wrote to the city council of Zürich in the spring of 1525. 4 From Eine Erklärung der 12 Artikel des christlichen Glaubens, ca. 1526. 5 Ausbund, 92:15 6 Ausbund, 78:1 7 This statement, prepared by the Anabaptists of Switzerland, possibly in 1526, was circulating before the Schlatten conclusions (the "Schleitheim Confession") made their appearance. It corresponds closely to the first confession of the south German and Austrian Anabaptists, written by Leonhard Schiemer. Because these confessions call for frequent communions and community of goods, they are not widely accepted by the Anabaptists' descendants today. 8 From Christlicher Ordnung . . . damitt die lieb und einickeit erhalten wird, Bern, ca. 1526. 9 From An die Gemeinde Gottes zu Horb . . . 1527. 10 From a report of the Court of Holland to the Regent Maria of Hungary, then reigning at Brussels, dated February 17, 1534. 11 From C. A. Cornelius, Historische Arbeiten vornehmlich zur Reformationsgeschichte, (Leipzig, 1899). 12 Letter to Thomas Müntzer, September 5, 1524. 13 Dat Fundament des Christelycken leers . . . 1539. 14 From Unterschied göttlicher und menschlicher Weisheit . . . 1544. 15 Bekentenisse der armen en ellendige Christenen . . . 1552 16 Enchiridion, 1564 17 Ausbund, 55:21-23 18 Dat Fundament des Christelycken leers . . . 1539 19 op. cit. 20 Rechenschaft, 1540 21 Bekentenisse der armen en ellendige Christenen... 1552 22 From Artikel und Ordnungen der christlichen Gemeinde in Christo Jesu, 1568 . 23 Ein einfältig Gebet . . . 1528 24 From Menno's letter to the Melchiorites of Amsterdam, written in 1545. 25 Ein Brief an Thomas Müntzer, 1524. 26 Dat Fundament des Christelycken leers . . . 1539 27 op. cit. 28 From Brüderlich Vereinigung etzlicher Kinder Gottes sieben Artikel betreffend, February 24, 1527 29 Een lieffelijcke vermaninghe ofte onderwijsinghe wt Gods woort . . . ca. 1558 30 Dat Fundament des Christelycken leers . . . 1539 31 Een Klare beantwoordinge, over een Schrift Gellii Fabri . . . 1554. 32 Ausbund, 55:8-9 33 Dat Fundament des Christelycken leers . . . 1539 34 op. cit. 35 Ausbund 55 36 Ausbund, 5:22-33 |
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